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Pozycja Jemen – Budowanie przyszłości przez dialog(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Sławek, JakubThe article discusses the specificity and complexity of modern Yemen in the aftermath of the revolution that abolished president Ali Saleh. Its aim was to highlight the major challenges that the Yemeni authorities are and will be facing in the process of constructing a new post-revolutionary state. Those being the threat of al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula structures, the al-Houthi rebellion and the Iranian implication in this insurgence and also the Southern issue. The main purpose of this work was however to demonstrate the state’s response to those challenges which are not a new phenomenon in Yemen. The concept of dialogue, inclusiveness and nation building is essential in the presented process of Yemen’s reconciliation and rebuilding process which fundament is to include every party willing to participate in the discussion about Yemen’s political and social future. The article debates the political developments of the ongoing national dialogue conference and although it did not end its work yet (as of September 2013) the article emphasizes its achievements. The most important being convincing and bringing all important Yemeni political and social actors under one roof to come up with a vision of the county’s future.Pozycja Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe nr 1, 2012 (Arabska wiosna rok później)(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2012) Kubiak, Hieronim; Głuszkowska, Aleksandra; Kusy, Joanna; Lipa, Michał; Laskowski, Piotr; Niziński, Piotr; Dzisiów-Szuszczykiewicz, Aleksandra; Brataniec, Katarzyna; Zamojska, Aleksandra; Bahlawan, Natalia; Wolańska, Diana; Rusinek, Anna; Świech-Szczepańska, Monika; Tonta, Rachela; Wójcik, Agata; Bakalarska, Malwina; Busari, Muheez; Czornik, Katarzyna; Al-Temimi, Damian; Zając, Justyna; Krasnowolska, Margerita; Lasoń, Marcin; Zdanowski, Jerzy; Bednarczyk, BogusławaPozycja Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe nr 2, 2012 (Polska prezydencja wobec wyzwań współczesnej Unii Europejskiej)(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2012) Bainczyk, Magdalena; Bednarczyk, Bogusława; Bogucka, Anna; Czermińska, Małgorzata; Fiałek, Sandra; Habas, Paulina; Jarmuła, Agnieszka; Kolendowska-Matejczuk, Marta; Młynarski, Tomasz; Piziak-Rapacz, Anna; Radwan, Marcin; Stankiewicz, Jakub; Szwarc, Karolina; Bębenek, Marian; Domaradzki, Spasimir; Zdanowski, Jerzy; Ludwikowski, Rett R.; Wolańska, Diana; Bednarczyk, Bogusława; Bednarczyk, BogusławaPrezentowany numer „Krakowskich Studiów Międzynarodowych” ma ukazać wielowątkowość i złożoność uwarunkowań polskiej prezydencji, które determinują zdolność do wypełniania obowiązków zeń wynikających, ale zarazem wskazują na charakter i skalę problemów, z którymi boryka się współcześnie Unia Europejska.Pozycja Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe nr 3 (XV), 2018 (Stosunki międzynarodowe na Bliskim Wschodzie po Arabskiej Wiośnie)(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2018) Zdanowski, Jerzy; Lipa, Michał; Molo, Beata; Wróblewski, Bartosz; Bojko, Krzysztof; Skorek, Artur; Cyganik, Filip; Sławek, Jakub; Młynarski, Tomasz; Czornik, Katarzyna; Łukasiewicz, Piotr; Brona, Adrian; Styszyński, Marcin; Diawoł-Sitko, AnnaZe wstępu: "Proponowany do lektury numer trzeci „Krakowskich Studiów Międzynarodowych” za 2018 r. poświęcony jest Bliskiemu Wschodowi, z uwzględnieniem tamtejszego systemu stosunków międzynarodowych. Region zajmuje ważne miejsce w historii polityki międzynarodowej. Bliskość z Europą, bogate zasoby energetyczne, islam jako religia rywalizująca z chrześcijaństwem o duchowe przewodzenie, symboliczne dla chrześcijańskiego Zachodu znaczenie Palestyny z Jerozolimą, migracje, a także liczne konflikty i problemy rozwojowe, z którymi boryka się region – sprawiały, że Bliski Wschód był stale obecny w świadomości i polityce europejskiej. (...)"Pozycja Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe nr 3, 2013 (Stosunki Międzynarodowe na Bliskim Wschodzie po Arabskiej Wiośnie)(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Zdanowski, Jerzy; Milczanowski, Maciej; Łukaszewicz, Adriana; Kusion, Mariusz; Zemanek, Bogdan; Malantowicz, Artur; Tumulec, Maciej; Lipa, Michał; Qandil, Magda; Guzowski, Andrzej; Buśko, Michał; Tonta, Rachela; Styszyński, Marcin; Sławek, Jakub; Zdanowski, Jerzy; Bednarczyk, BogusławaPozycja Maroko po "Rewolucji". Kierunki przemian społeczno-politycznych(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2012) Brataniec, Katarzyna; Zamojska, AleksandraWith few exceptions the Arab world has made a big progress toward political liberalization in the recent two years. Morocco could be a model to follow for other countries if it sustains current direction of political change. The King Muhammad VI decided to lead important reforms: amendment to the Constitution, separation of the structures of power and independence of the judiciary. In this way, the situation has not led to signifiant outburst of citizen anger and rioting like in a number of Arab states. Political and social reforms were initiated by the King addressing the requests and needs of the society, for example the reform of family code called Mudawwana. Muhammad VI recognized the multicultural roots of Moroccan society, confirmed gender equality and extended the freedom of speech. Yet, these changes did not address the needs of all social groups. Demands for more responsive and accountable government, pressures for economic reforms, and greater pluralism in the shaping of public policy arose in Morocco. Nevertheless, opposition considered these changes insufficient, given the scale of youth unemployment, lack of prospects, failure of woman’s rights and crisis of education. In Morocco state legitimacy does not decline because of a particular position of the King, religious legitimacy of power and specific political culture of Moroccan society. According to many analysts, the Kingdom of Morocco did not dismantle the basic structures of power, especially the influential elite institution – machzen.Pozycja National and international security in contemporary changing reality. Pt. 2(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2012) Sienkiewicz, Piotr; Skulimowski, Mariusz; Bieniek, Mieczysław; Ćwięk, Henryk; Pružinský, Michal; Varhol’ák, Peter; Dzwigaj, Czesław; Liber, Janusz; Zawartka, Marek; Bieniek, Mieczysław; Mazur, SławomirThis study is devoted to the new trends in research, especially in the field of security studies, including national and international security, in the evolving areas of contemporary reality. The book is addressed especially to national and internal security students, to all students undertaking research work in the widely-understood area of security, and also to the managerial staff of various units and institutions operating within the national security and defense system. The publication contains a wide range of topics that are relevant to security, and includes the following articles: Piotr Sienkiewicz – Systems analysis of security management, Mariusz Skulimowski – Military support of humanitarian operations in Pakistan, Mieczysław Bieniek – Arab Spring – Dynamic changes in the Middle East, Henryk Ćwięk – Between Germany and Russia. The Problem of Poland’s Security in the 20th and 21st Centuries in View of Europe’s Situation. Selected Problems, Michal Pružinský, Peter Varhoľák – Selected Slovak and European security contexts, Janusz Liber – Counterintelligence support to military operations, Marek Zawartka – Security of mass events regarding stadium hooliganism. Of great interest is the article of Professor Czesław Dźwigaj – My 11th of September The Paris Retrospection, in which a different perspective on international security is presented.Pozycja Palestyńska władza narodowa osiem lat po Arabskiej Wiośnie(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2018) Bojko, KrzysztofWbrew nadziejom Palestyńczyków wybuch Arabskiej Wiosny, zamiast przyśpieszyć pozytywne przemiany doprowadził do pogorszenia sytuacji w regionie i samej Autonomii Palestyńskiej. Zostały zatrzymane oczekiwane procesy gospodarcze. Doszło do kilku dewastujących Strefę Gazy operacji militarnych Izraela. Pogłębiły się podziały – na Zachodni Brzeg rządzony przez OWP oraz Hamas kontrolujący Strefę Gazy. Pogorszeniu uległy nastroje społeczne wśród Palestyńczyków. Wobec pojawienia się w regionie tzw. Państwa Islamskiego, wspólnota międzynarodowa, w szczególności USA, straciły zainteresowanie trudnym do rozwiązania konfliktem bliskowschodnim. Ciosem dla Palestyńczyków było przeniesienie przez Donalda Trumpa, w maju 2018 r., ambasady USA w Izraelu z Tel Awiwu do Jerozolimy. Wobec pogłębiających się problemów w Autonomii Palestyńskiej, w tym utraty zaufania do Palestyńczyków ze strony Izraela, kwestionowana zaczęła być w Izraelu idea rozwiązania dwupaństwowego, to jest przyszłego pokojowego współistnienia żydowskiego Izraela i arabskiej Palestyny. Połowiczny sukces, jaki osiągnęli Palestyńczycy uzyskując w 2012 r. statusu państwa obserwatora w ONZ nie równoważy strat, dla sprawy palestyńskiej z lat 2011–2018. Wiele wskazuje, że Palestyńska Władza Narodowa znajduje się dziś w przededniu przeobrażeń, które będą musiały uwzględnić niekorzystne zmiany, które zaszły w ostatnich latach. Słowa kluczowe: Arabska Wiosna, Palestyńczycy, OWP, Hamas, operacje militarne, konflikt bliskowschodni, rozwiązanie dwupaństwowe, ONZPozycja Podwójny kryzys w Mali i jego międzynarodowe reperkusje(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Kusion, MariuszArticle describes a complex political crisis lasting in Mali and his probable implications. There were presented in detail two fundamental aspects of this crisis such as: the Tuareg (MNLA) and islamists rebellion started in January as well as military coup from march 2012. It was claimed that the military intervention at the beginning of 2013 r., in which French army was involved, was an indispensable solution – but insufficient. It was found that sweeping reforms are needed to value Tuareg participation in political and economic life of the country (for eg. in the form of autonomy). It was demonstrated that labile interior situation in Mali might destabilize all order in Western and Sub-Saharan Africa as well as in Sahel area by increasing the threat of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and crime (especially by AKIM, Boko Haram and MUJAO). Not to mention the safety of North Africa, where the situation after the Arab Spring is still fragile, and in the longer term, Europe and the USA.Pozycja Polityka zagraniczna Egiptu pod rządami Partii Wolności i Sprawiedliwości(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Tumulec, MaciejThe article presents the most important aspects of the new foreign policy of Egypt after the fall of President Hosni Mubarak and the impact of the Arab Spring on the attitude of Egypt in the region after coming to power Freedom and Justice Party (associated with the Muslim Brotherhood). The author stresses the importance of several factors, primarily the permanent impact of the army on the current policies and problems associated with social transformation, which also affected the creation of new foreign policy of the Egyptian state. A short period of rule of the Freedom and Justice Party was characterized in foreign policy area by a profound dissonance between the officially declared objectives and reality. A striking example of this policy was Egyptian approach to the Palestinian issue. Lack of strong leadership and domestic policy mistakes quickly began to adversely affect the activity of Egypt in the international arena. For the United States, the current most important ally of Egypt, key issue was the fulfillment by the new authorities provisions of Camp David Accords and maintain alliance, especially in matters of military cooperation. Therefore, the Egyptian-Iranian rapprochement soon after coming to power President Morsy was regarded as a dangerous precedent, and to some extent a threat to the existing status quo in the Middle East. Egypt also changed alliances with Arab Gulf states – the choice of new partners was dictated by ideological closeness and willingness to break with Mubarak allies. The paper shows also the greatest failures in the international arena of “new Egypt,” among them: 1) the severance of diplomatic relations with Syria and the self-exclusion as a mediator in the Syrian conflict; 2) an unsuccessful attempt to join the BRICS group; 3) failure in Ethiopian-Egyptian dispute overaccessto theNile resources. The author states that within two years period of Freedom and Justice Party rule the international position of Egypt has been further eroded, which was mainly caused by fatal economic situation of the state and the need to seek new sources of funding in the world.Pozycja Portrayal of the Egyptian Revolution in the Polish media(Hajdúböszörmény: A Debreceni Egyetem Gyermeknevelési és Felnőttképzési Kar, 2016) Brataniec, KatarzynaPozycja Rada Współpracy Państw Zatoki – Jaka przyszłość po Arabskiej Wiośnie?(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2014) Sławek, JakubThe aim of this paper is to widely discuss the political situation of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and to present the complexity of the relations between the member states of the Council and to describe their regional relationships especially regarding the aspect of rivalry and difficult neighborhood with Iran and cooperation with the United States. A larger part of the article is dedicated to the phenomena of the fundaments of unity between the Gulf states but also the sources of disharmony and disunity that prevent the further deepening and strengthening of intra-Gulf relations which should materialize in the formation of a Gulf Union. The article aspires also to give a forecast of possible scenarios of political and economic development in the GCC region upon the basic economic and social data. This forecast is presented in relation with the challenges that this region is facing.Pozycja „Rozruchy” czy „Rewolucja”? Chińska prasa o Arabskiej Wiośnie(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Zemanek, BogdanPRC authorities execute a tight control over the media. Therefore it is significant if an editorial from the local newspaper Beijing Ribao is republished in the English language webportal of the most official national paper Renmin Ribao. The text, originally addressed to local readers, describes the ideological attitude of the PRC towards the events of the „Arab Spring”, especially in Libya. The main reasons for the unrest (young generation’s frustration about lack of political representation, corruption, growing economic disparity, expressed through new communication technologies, over which the authorities have little control) exist in similar form in China as well; because of that, the PRC authorities feel the need to „properly assess and interpret” the events, as being insired by the West, chaotic, disrupting existing social order and not being elite-driven. By refusing to call them „revolution”, the authorities aim to depreciate and delegitimize them in the eyes of the model Chinese reader. Such information policy is in conformity with internal policy aimed at controlling social order, and with the foreign policy, which supports the economic growth by acquiring natural resources, often from dictatorial regimes, with whom Beijing maintains cordial relations.Pozycja Salafici w Egipcie i Tunezji w obliczu Arabskiej Wiosny(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2014) Tonta, Rachela; Pędziwiatr, KonradOne of the results of the Arab Spring, both in Egypt and Tunisia, was rise in popularity of the ultraconservative Salafi movement. Despite one-sided media coverage, Salafists cannot be equated only with violence, because the vast majority of its members have taken a quietist approach rejecting not only violence, but any form of political commitment. This does not change the fact, however, that due to the doctrine adopted by Salafi sts, the boundary between quietism and political activity, and fi nally the use of violence is not clearly defined. It means that members of the movement, who previously declared themselves to be apolitical, can easily decide to engage in radical actions. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ideological roots of Salafi sm, its internal divisions with regard to political commitment, and to analyse the development of the Salafi movement in Egypt and Tunisia before and after Arab Spring. It will also attempt to assess the possible development of this movement in the near future.Pozycja Scarcity of Food: a Factor Destabilising Security in the MENA Region(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2020) Diawoł-Sitko, AnnaNiniejszy artykuł analizuje wpływ bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego na stabilność polityczną w regionie MENA na szczeblu państwowym, regionalnym i indywidualnym. Omówiono także ocenę skuteczności rządów w regionie pod względem strategii zarządzania ryzykiem bezpieczeństwa żywności i współpracy międzyregionalnej. Autor wysuwa tezę, że niedobór żywności jest jednym z głównych czynników niestabilności politycznej w regionie MENA, a zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego jest ważnym zadaniem dla obecnych rządów w całym regionie. Biorąc pod uwagę problemy rozwojowe regionu oraz historię napiętych stosunków dwustronnych i wielostronnych, a także ciągłą nieufność polityczną między krajami regionu MENA, brak zasobów żywności i wody może zaostrzyć napięcia i wywołać dalsze konflikty w regionie.Pozycja The Middle East 2011 : high ideas and reality = Bliski Wschód 2011 : szczytne idee a rzeczywistość(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2011) Zdanowski, JerzyPozycja Transformacja polityczna w egipcie w okresie prezydentury Muhammada Mursiego(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Lipa, MichałThis article refers to the second phase of political transformation in Egypt, which coincides with the period of Muhammad Morsi’s presidency. The attention is paid not only to the internal dimension of the transformation, but also its main external circumstances. With regard to the functioning of the Egyptian political system, there were no significant changes – comparing to the period preceding the M. Morsi’s presidency. The holding of free elections (parliamentary and presidential) does not mean that Egypt has become a democratic state. It rather remains the state that “stuck” in transition, especially after the coup of July 3, 2013.Pozycja Vision of international relations in islamist ideology(Bloomsbury Publishing India, 2014) Zdanowski, JerzyIslamism is one of the currents in the political thought of the Islamic world. It considers religion an ideology and uses it in political struggle. Its goal is to develop a model of socio-political development based on Islamic norms. Islamism is a socio-political thought deeply engraved in the minds of the inhabitants of the Near and Middle East and a very popular ideology due to the social order it envisages. For decades, in the Arab Middle East, Islamism as a political movement was pushed down into the political underground, but the events of 2011, referred to as the Arab Spring, have given to Islamist groups, new opportunities to take political action. Islamism presents its own vision of international relations.Pozycja Wpływ egipskiej Arabskiej Wiosny na strategię bezpieczeństwa USA(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Milczanowski, MaciejA relation between USA and Egypt are especially important in the scope of the security and stabilization process in Middle East and reflects on the whole world. According to the deep changes in many countries of Middle East and North Africa, started by the Arab Spring at the beginning of 2011, US policy had to transform, and have to be adjusted to the new circumstances and Egypt is particular important for the USA interests in the area. To achieve this, a deep analysis of the situation in Egypt is needed and also clear picture of the real stance of the main powers in this country. The situation when USA bases only on the support of the despotic rulers or just the leading parties is not acceptable for the future relations between USA and Egypt. If Americans wants to keep it’s influence on the Middle East, the new policy of dialogue, partner relations and respecting peoples will is have to be introduced.Pozycja Znaczenie Arabskiej Wiosny(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2013) Zdanowski, JerzyAt the turn of 2011, turbulent events occurred in the Middle East that have become known all over the world as the ‘Arab Spring’. Initially, these protests were a form of civil disobedience. Later, the situation developed in several directions. In Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Mauritania, Sudan and Oman, the authorities managed to convince the public that they would meet their needs and introduce new reforms. The authorities in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain took the severest positions. In Tunisia and Egypt free elections were conducted, and these countries have started to build a democratic system. This experiment was interrupted in Egypt on July 3, 2013 by the intervention of the army. In the light of these events, can one assume that the Arab Spring is a closed chapter in the history of the Middle East, and that the hope for democracy in the countries of the region have been buried forever? This article refers to the sources of the ‘Arab Spring’ and demonstrates its importance for the history of the region.