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Pozycja Donald Trump and America Divided against Itself(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2021) Bryk, AndrzejDonald Trump became the president of the United States because he was able to see the deep division of the American society into 80% of the population comprising the lower and middle classes and the caste-like oligarchic elite, which is made up of the richest 1% and 19% of the upper-middle class population. These 20% justifies its privileged social position by referring to meritocracy, the ideology of identity liberalism and to globalism, delegitimizing any opposition as a manifestation of ignorance, pathological aggression or social maladjustment (“the deplorables” of Hillary Clinton). Trump turned to the remaining 80% of society, angered not only by the effects of globalization implemented by the liberal elites as the only possible and rational economic policy, but also despised by the liberal upper middle class and forced by political elites to submit to the dictates of the ideology of emancipatory liberalism of personal autocreation, leading to the breakdown of social and family ties and the destruction of authorities. Trump won the support of angry voters because he raised issues that were very close to much of the electorate but were absent from the dominant discourse of political elites, both in the Democratic Party and the Republicans. This was his “populism”, which was in fact democratic and conservative patriotism or mild nationalism. Nevertheless, this provoked vehement opposition from both the liberal left, part of the federal administration (“deep state”) and cancel culture, and from some republicans (“Never Trumpers”). However, the “resistance movement” that emerged after Trump’s election was able to appeal only to ideological arguments, including the perception of America’s and the West’s civilizational heritage as a structure of immanent oppression that Trump wants to renew and strengthen. Thus, a narrative was born presenting Trump as a usurper in a metaphysical sense, an enemy of the only legitimate moral and social order, i.e., the order of identity liberalism with its axioms of emancipation and moral autocreation of individuals. The violation of this quasi-religious order is to cause an escalation of violence and oppression motivated by hatred, racism, xenophobia and religious fanaticism. Such a narrative, referring to the theory of the “end of history” by Francis Fukuyama, was not confirmed either in the politics or in the legislation of the Trump administration, demonstrating flaws in the liberal-left understanding of the so called “populism”.Pozycja Donald Trump as a Response to a Global Post-Cold War Liberal World(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2019) Bryk, AndrzejWygrane przez Donalda Trumpa – dzięki odwołaniu do wartości i narracji konserwatywnej –wybory prezydenckie wywołały wstrząs w społeczeństwie amerykańskim. Nowy prezydent z powodzeniem ograniczył postępującą oligarchizację życia politycznego Stanów Zjednoczonych. Zdołał pokonać Hilary Clinton z jej wizją państwa – oligarchii wspieranej przez klienckie grupy tożsamościowe. Trump skoncentrował swoją retorykę i kierunki polityki na solidarności społecznej w ramach państwa narodowego opartego na wartościach republikańskich. Stanął w opozycji zarówno do liberałów, jak i do libertarian złączonych w walce przeciwko niemu. Widać tu konfl ikt dwóch modeli interesu wspólnotowego w ujęciu Vilfredo Pareto. Ponadto dostrzec można podobieństwa do prezydentury Ronalda Regana, jednakże trudno pominąć zasadnicze rozbieżności (Trump – człowiek wielkiego biznesu z ogromnym majątkiem osobistym, niemający doświadczenia politycznego i niepełniący wcześniej funkcji publicznych). Sama wizja „wielkiej Ameryki” jest stworzonym przez Trumpa zjawiskiem społecznym, opartym na retoryce wielkości i władzy wykorzystywanej jednak przy wdrażaniu rzeczywistych zmian polityki państwa (np. nominacje sędziowskie). Oprócz tego nowy prezydent zapewnił Partii Republikańskiej wyjście z kryzysu, dając szansę na gruntowną i zasadniczą reorientację systemu politycznego USA. Intuicja polityczna i doświadczenie przedsiębiorcy pozwalają Trumpowi na obalenie monopolu retoryki politycznej poprawności wraz z moralnym dyktatem nowomowy i rozproszonymi formami cenzury. Brutalna retoryka i specyfi czne poczucie humoru towarzyszące autentycznemu optymizmowi self-made man, wraz z biznesową mentalnością, pozwoliły Donaldowi Trumpowi na przetrwanie ostracyzmu elit oraz zaciętych ataków mediów liberalnych. Nowy prezydent zajął miejsce trybuna „twardej Ameryki” (Michael Barone) stając w opozycji do liberalnej pogardy dla „godnych pożałowania”. Trump identyfi kuje się jako budowniczy, człowiek działania, doświadczony i ostry gracz świata wielkich interesów. Sama Ameryka dlań to naród budowniczych. Nowa prezydentura jest również symbolicznym zakończeniem porządku ustanowionego w USA i Europie Zachodniej po roku 1945.Pozycja Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe 2019, nr 3 (XVI) The Presidency of Donald Trump(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2019) Bryk, Andrzej; Lewicki, Zbigniew; Kuź, Michał; Dadak, Kazimierz; Zarzycki-Siek, Jerzy; Majchrowska, Elżbieta; Rydliński, BartoszFrom introduction: "Donald Trump’s victory in 2016 shattered a complacency of the global liberal consensus, already shaking in Europe in the wake of the immigration crisis in 2015 and its political consequences. His victory was quickly defi ned by the liberal-left elites, because of the United States superpower status among modern democracies, as the most consequential and disruptive populist phenomenon among other already visible in Europe, subverting not only the post-Soviet liberal consensus of the “end of history” shaped after 1989, but more generally questioning the principles of the post-1945 model of social and political development of liberal democracy. We may also risk an opinion that Trump’s victory, together with other victories of the so called “populist movements” in such countries as Great Britain, Hungary, Poland or Italy with a corresponding breaking of the consensual politics in many European countries, including the most, so it seemed, stable Germany, are truly important milestones in western political history for reasons not necessarily connected with the immediate changes in so far unquestionable concrete liberal policies taken for granted. They are also important because they suddenly deepened political divisions and stirred passions inside of particular societies leveling them to a nearly quasi-religious dimension."(...)Pozycja Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe 2021, nr 1 (XVIII), Donald Trump’s Presidency – the Unfinished Rebellion(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2021) Bryk, Andrzej; Rabkin, Jeremy; Sadowski, Mirosław Michał; Dadak, Kazimierz; Domaradzki, Spasimir; Wolfe, ChristopherFrom introduction: "Donald Trump’s one term presidency is over. Its end coincided with the COVID-19 pandemic which shook not only the health but politics as well and forced everyone to ask a question how it warped perceptions of the American electorate as far as successes and failures of Trump’s presidency were concerned. One could also easily define the election of 2020 as a referendum over Trump himself, a man who had, as someone said “an exhausting penchant for saying the wrong things” at the wrong time, including the pandemic time, in much the same way as his rival Joe Biden had a life-long penchant for gaffes. But whatever Trump’s individual faults and merits, his victory was a consequence of a growing sense of destabilisation, breakdown of solidarity, growing ‘homelessness’ of millions of people in response to liberal globalism’s dysfunctions and a corresponding rise of the so-called “populist” rebellions. They caught global liberal establishment firmly entrenched both internationally and in their own countries by surprise provoking vitriolic attacks causing deep polarizations especially in America divided against itself as never before."(...)Pozycja Trump and the Conservative Movement(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2021) Bryk, AndrzejUnited under Regan by anti-communism, the US Conservative movement is now deeply divided. This division was already visible in the so-called Sarah Palin’s conservative populism and the Tea Party movement. However, it showed itself in full force when the Republican party elite, living in symbiosis with liberals from the Democratic Party, had to respond to Donald Trump’s electoral success. It turned out that the traditional Republican electorate did not back the party’s globalist elite, but an outsider. Trump gained the support of that section of conservatives who rejected integration into the hegemonic ideology of leftist liberalism with its destructive narrative of “American iniquity” and the adoption of the technocratic global oligarchy model as the only possible “end of history”. Conservatives supporting Trump’s candidacy referred to the tradition of American conservatism, appealing to the Founding Fathers, the Constitution and national pride and supporting the idea of metaphysical freedom, ontologically rooted in being greater than the autonomous will of the individual. Thus, the possibility of agreement with the oligarchic elite professing identity liberalism is very limited. However, it is possible to create a tactical alliance between conservatives, especially religious ones, and libertarians. Despite fundamental anthropological and philosophical differences, the link is a common enemy – liberal identity politics. Additionally, Trump’s victory forces all currents in Regan’s conservative coalition to revise their goals and adjust to the new reality, as Trump did not appeal to economic globalism but called for the restoration of social solidarity and republican responsibility for all. He was aware of the possibility of creating a new coalition in the camp of conservatives and republicans, which must find a new common political goal, combining social and cultural conservatism with economic populism. Donald Trump, however, met with stiff opposition from conservatives who accept the technocratic hegemony of leftist liberalism along with the sexual revolution and new anthropology.